Tuesday, August 31, 2010

Islamic banking and finance in Sri Lanka: A paradigm of success

By Riyazi Farook(sunday times)nSunday December 30, 2007day December 30, 2007

Sri Lanka is one of the few non-Islamic countries to have legislation for the Islamic banking sector. Following amendments to the Banking Act No 30 of 1988 in March 2005, there is now adequate flexibility for conventional banks to establish Islamic banking windows and launch Islamic financial products. However, efforts in strategic marketing communication to promote and raise awareness of these products are still in the infancy stage.
The Central Bank (CB) already authorized Islamic banking to be carried out in licensed commercial banks as a regulated and legal activity. However it is studying the Islamic banking concepts and once the requirements are legislated in the Banking Act, Sri Lanka would have increasing opportunity to establish a full-fledged bank. Senior Muslim ministers are also backing an initiative to allow full-fledged Islamic banks to operate in the country.
Sri Lankan Muslims have long awaited the entry of a full-fledged Islamic financial institution that can provide them the opportunity to invest or deposit their money in a Shariah compliant manner. Islamic microfinance institutions in the rural areas are also keen to capitalize on this need, but most are offering limited service in small communities with a high density of Muslims.
The country has the potential to become an Islamic banking hub for the South Asian region. Nevertheless, only if CB expresses its interest and development initiatives does Sri Lanka stand a chance of competing and establishing itself in the market. Thereore, government organizations, monetary authorities and the private sector must work with Islamic banking institutions to achieve this objective.
In this context it is high time that Sri Lanka came up with a strategic framework on the Islamic financial sector in order to address the needs of all segments of the community. There are specialized local and overseas institutions and professionals, some of whom are experts in Islamic banking; others may have good managerial skills to contribute to the promotion of Islamic banking and its concepts. Therefore, it is paramount to include such specialists in a discussion on building a conceptual framework for Islamic banking and finance in Sri Lanka.

Players in Islamic finance

The market value of the Islamic banking sector in Sri Lanka is estimated at Rs 70 billion to Rs 100 billion. Islamic financial services providers currently active include Amana Investments Ltd, Ceylinco Islamic Investment Corporation (CIIC), Muslim Commercial Bank (MCB), National Asset Management Limited (NAMAL), First Global Investments Group and ABC Investments.
Amana Investments, established in 1997, leads the country’s Islamic financial services market. Its subsidiary Amana Takaful Ltd (ATL) began operations in June 1999 and is acknowledged as the market leader for Takaful services (commonly perceived as the Islamic alternative to conventional insurance). ATL was listed on the Colombo Stock Exchange in late 2006.
CIIC made its entry in 2003 and is fully backed by Ceylinco Insurance, one of the leading conventional insurance providers in Sri Lanka. CIIC offers both selected Shariah compliant and Takaful products.
The new kid on the block MCB — owned by MCB Pakistan — commenced operations early this year. It offers both Islamic and conventional financial products.
NAMAL is the first fund management company in Sri Lanka licensed to manage unit trusts. Together with Amana Capital (a subsidiary of Amana Investments), it launched the NAMAL Amana Equity Fund early this month. The objective of the equity fund is to achieve significant growth over the medium to long term by primarily investing in equity securities that are Shariah compliant.
First Global Group is a public limited finance investment company that deals with Shariah compliant investments and financing products and services. Domestically, it is the first institution to promote training and career development programmes related to Islamic banking and finance.
Finally, there’s ABC Investments, a relatively new Islamic investment group that claims to have strong funding backing from different countries. It has a memorandum of understanding with the Central Bank of Sudan in which the latter’s experts will provide assistance on training and development to ABC — especially in its Takaful segment — and will be working closely with leading Islamic financial countries for the funding in Takaful as they plan to start off with general insurance.

The Takaful concept is steadily gaining acceptance in Sri Lanka, where there are now 13 licensed insurance companies.
Takaful was introduced in 2002 with the entry of ATL, which recently created history in Sri Lanka and the Islamic financial services industry worldwide when it was ranked 203rd in the world’s first comprehensive “Top 500 Islamic Financial Institutions” published by The Banker, the global finance magazine of the Financial Times Group, in its November issue. ATL accounted for US$5.55 million worth of Shariah compliant assets.
A second Takaful operator, Ceylinco Takaful Limited, made its debut in mid-2006. Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation — the country’s largest and strongest composite insurance provider with Rs 50 billion worth of assets under management — has also announced its intended foray into Takaful. Two of the country’s largest insurance operators (Ceylinco Life and Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation) also plan to offer Takaful products.
The Sri Lankan market, including that for Takaful, faces several challenges, however. One is the current legal environment, which is deemed unfavourable to Takaful operations. Other hurdles are reluctance on the part of regulators to introduce the necessary changes in law to encourage the development of Takaful, a lack of investment opportunities that are Shariah compliant and acceptable to the insurance regulators, a high capital requirement, severe competition, consumer resistance to a new form of insurance based on religious principles and the fact that Muslims represent only about 9% of Sri Lanka’s population.
Overcoming these barriers is more crucial for the Takaful industry in Sri Lanka. Its operators should make a concerted effort to convince insurance regulators to accept the salient features of Takaful and treat it as a new business model. They could also form strategic alliances to promote their products.

Human resource needs
Sri Lanka should aim to produce highly skilled practitioners and professionals as well as specialists and researchers to develop human capital needs for its Islamic banking and financial services industry, both at local and international level. Shariah scholars are scarce but they are highly critical to the success of the republic’s Islamic banking industry and its growth.
The International Centre for Education in Islamic Finance recently established the faculty of Islamic banking and finance, the first in Sri Lanka. It is hoped that the faculty will fulfill the need to produce a pool of Islamic professionals for the fast-growing global Islamic banking and financial services industry.

The writer is a Master’s student at Middlesex University London and has a postgraduate diploma in marketing from the Chartered Institute of Marketing, UK and postgraduate diplomas in Islamic banking and insurance from the Institute of Islamic Banking and Insurance, UK. He can be reached via email at riyazif@yahoo.com

Sri Lanka's forgotten displaced Muslims

By Swaminathan Natarajan 
BBC Tamil service, Puttalam
Camp in Puttalam
Many in Puttalam complain about conditions in the cmaps
As the world focuses on displaced Tamils in northern Sri Lanka, a large group of Muslims forcibly ejected from the north by Tamil Tigers 20 years ago are finally contemplating a return home.
There are more than 100,000 Muslims living as refugees across Sri Lanka.
Many are in Puttalam - a small fishing town on the north-western coast.
They vividly remember the day when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) forced them to leave at gun point.
"On 27 October 1990, I was working in the fields. LTTE cadres came and asked us to leave within two hours. We took a few clothes in plastic carrier bags and walked a long way," says an elderly man now living in a Puttalam camp.
The entire Muslim population of Sri Lanka's northern province moved out fearing brutal attacks by the LTTE.
The overwhelming majority of Sri Lankan Muslims speak Tamil as their first language. Yet they are regarded as a separate ethnic minority in Sri Lanka.
The LTTE's eviction of Muslims from the north was preceded by a massacre in the east. Suspected Tigers opened fire at two mosques near the town of Batticaloa, killing more than 100 people.
The LTTE accused the Muslims of allying with the Sri Lankan government.
Difficult life
Many Muslims living in Puttalam are happy about the fall of the Tamil Tigers. But they are not sure about home.
 When I went back to Killinochchi nothing was there. I have built everything there. I even dug up a well 
Mohammed Akbar
"We are happy that LTTE is defeated. This gives us hope that we can go back. But we can go only if the government helps us. We want assurances about our safety," says Nawaz.
Local Muslim leaders want government help in tracing back properties to original owners as many people were not able to take their documents when they fled the area. They are also worried about security.
"I am 51 now. I would like to go back to Jaffna and spend the rest of my life there. Here the conditions are not good," says Amir, who runs a shop among the rows of houses built by displaced people.
People here say there is an acute shortage of water. They say successive governments have done little for them.
But others have developed a liking for Puttalam.
Zawana feels her home is in Puttalam
Zawana came here as a child and had her children here. Her mother and other relatives are keen to go back. But she feels Jaffna would be alien to her.
Mohamed Kabir, a leader of the Muslim Front, says people are yet to be convinced that the LTTE is fully destroyed.
But a Muslim MP from the pro-LTTE political party, the Tamil National Alliance, says these fears are baseless.
"The LTTE has realised its mistake and even asked the Muslims to come back. So I can say with 100 percent confidence that no harm will be done to them," says Mohammad Imam.
Bitter return
The LTTE has made a few overtures towards Muslims in recent years. A few Muslim families returned home under the auspices of an agreement reached during the Norweigian-backed peace deal.
Syed Mohammed Akbar decided to go back to his native Killinochchi and opened a tea shop there in 2006.
"When I went back to Killinochchi nothing was there. I have built everything there. I even dug a well. The LTTE was running the government there. We paid them taxes. We had good relations with the Tamils.
 Many houses which once belonged to the Muslims are completely destroyed. Some will even find it difficult to locate their ancestral lands 
Minister Risath Badiuddeen
"When the LTTE came to know that my elder son knows Sinhala, they took him away and used him as a radio announcer against his will. He was forced to work for them for two months. Then they let him go because he suffered from fits," he says.
With great difficulty he left Kilinochchi shortly before it fell to government forces. However, when the police back in Puttalam got to know that his son had worked for the LTTE, they apprehended his son and his brother who he says had nothing to do with the rebels.
"They have been in prison for six months. No one will help us," he says.
Sri Lanka's relief and rehabilitation minister, Risath Badiuddeen, is a Muslim from northern town of Mannar. Like others he too left his home and lived as a refugee for five years in the Puttalam area.
He says once the land mines are cleared, the process of re-settling of displaced Tamils and Muslims will take place.
"It will be much easier to resettle Tamils, because they moved out recently. Many of their houses are damaged but with some repair they can live there. On the other hand many houses which once belonged to the Muslims are completely destroyed. Some will even find it difficult to locate their ancestral lands. The government will help them to get necessary documents. It will also help those who have decided not to return," he says.
Many Muslims say they have no ill will towards the ordinary Tamils and are hopeful of living with them in peace as their forefathers have done for centurie

SRI LANKA: Muslims and Tamils deal with the past

9 Apr 2010 14:24:10 GMT
Source: IRIN
Reuters and AlertNet are not responsible for the content of this article or for any external internet sites. The views expressed are the author's alone.
JAFFNA, 29 April 2010 (IRIN) - Sri Lankan Muslims displaced during the country's decades-long civil war are slowly returning home, but the challenge of reconciling with their Tamil neighbours, and their past, remains.
About 75,000 Muslims were evicted in October 1990 from the northern districts of Jaffna, Mannar, Kilinochchi, Mullaithivu and some parts of Vavuniya by the now-defeated Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who were fighting for an independent Tamil homeland.
Since the end of the war in May last year, the question of their return or resettlement has gathered momentum.
"Issues that need to be addressed include the kinds of infrastructure and services, such as schools and health services, that need to be in place," said Farzana Haniffa, a University of Colombo anthropologist and member of the Citizen's Commission, which includes civil society and Muslim organizations, and is leading efforts to help the displaced Muslims.
The Muslims had fled to government-controlled areas in the country's north and centre, with the majority ending up in Puttalam district.
"The fact that Muslims have built up communities in Puttalam and elsewhere needs to be taken into account. Certain pockets of the displaced population might not want to return," Haniffa told IRIN.
Families trickling back
The pace of returns varies according to conditions in the northern, war-torn areas.
Jaffna District, which is the Tamil heartland, was once home to some 5,500 Muslim families before the expulsion, according to the commission.
According to its data, more than 100 families, most of whom fled to Puttalam, have returned to Jaffna since the mid-1990s.
In Mannar District, where the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says the largest numbers of displaced originated, returns started in August 2009.
Since then, about 1,500 families or 6,000 people have returned, although the number is likely higher, since most people return spontaneously without being registered by the government, says UNHCR.
Traumatic departure
Other challenges to reconciliation include more competition for resources and livelihoods as those returning look for jobs, and property ownership disputes, because the Muslims were forced to abandon their homes.
And since the expulsion took place nearly 20 years ago, a generation of Muslims and Tamils has grown up without experiencing the event, potentially testing communal relations.
"Given the passage of time, the local Tamil population in these areas don't know the Muslims that are returning, they don't have the memory of interaction that an earlier generation had. So any potential for fresh conflict needs to be mitigated," Haniffa warned.
The LTTE's expulsion operation was quick and efficient, with the local Tiger leadership giving Muslims only hours to leave.
"At five o'clock the LTTE announced for us to come immediately to the Jinnah grounds. The LTTE leader told us that within two hours, all the Muslims must leave the [Jaffna] peninsula," said Mohammed Yassin, a 55-year-old father of three, who returned to Jaffna in 1996 from Puttalam.
Stunned, Mohammed returned home to break the news to his wife. "She didn't believe me at first. She thought I was joking, so I told her to check with the neighbours. She came back crying."
Her disbelief was understandable: Muslims had lived peacefully with their Tamil neighbours.
Reflecting on the tragedy, Mohammed does not blame the Tamils of Jaffna. "They couldn't help us. If they tried, they would also have been punished by the LTTE."
Will to reconcile
So far, there appears to be harmony among returning Muslims and Tamils in Jaffna, according to the Citizen's Commission.
Pathmarajah, a retired Tamil teacher who witnessed the expulsion, welcomes the return of Muslims to Jaffna.
"The people never wanted the Muslims to go. They may be different religions, but we speak the same language. There is no barrier between us," he said.
Pathmarajah believes there is a collective guilt about what happened.
"There is a feeling of guilt that we have been silent witnesses to the very unjust eviction of the Muslims. I certainly have it. How do I face my Muslim friends?"
© IRIN. All rights reserved. More humanitarian news and analysis:http://www.IRINnews.org

Cricket And Sri Lankan Muslims

By Izeth Hussain

(March 18, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The focus of this article is on what looks like discrimination against Sri Lankan Muslims in the field of cricket. This might seem to the average reader to be a matter of parochial and marginal importance, something of interest to Muslims and cricket fans, and therefore not a matter of national importance. I want to make a few preliminary observations to suggest that what looks like anti-Muslim discrimination is indeed a matter of national importance because it seems to show that the Sinhalese majority is not prepared to offer any political solution over our ethnic problems on any internationally recognized basis.

One way of solving ethnic problems is through devolution. It applies when a minority ethnic group claims to have a homeland, which can lead to a demand for autonomy or outright separation. Sri Lanka came to terms with India to solve the Tamil ethnic problem through devolution in the form of the 13th Amendment, which has in fact become part of the Constitution. What requires to be done in the aftermath of the total military victory over the LTTE is to apply 13A fully or with some modifications, and extend its application to the North. But the Government is not giving that option any priority at all, nor is the opposition making an issue of it. The prospect is one of endless vacillation over a political solution on the basis of devolution.

What really is the problem? I believe that the problem is that the Sinhalese, or more particularly the Sinhalese at the power elite level, are deeply allergic to the notion of sharing power with the minorities. In fact the farcical application of 13A up to now suggests that the Sinhalese at power elite levels are deeply allergic to sharing power even with their fellow-Sinhalese. How then can they be expected to jump with joy over the prospect of sharing power with the Tamils after the LTTE has been right royally whacked? The problem about a policy of vacillation of course is that Tamil Nadu, Delhi, and the Tamil diaspora have not been whacked by our troops. Furthermore the international community – meaning really the powerful Western countries – will see our vacillation as morally ugly prevarication. The situation could become rather nasty, perhaps even very dangerous, to Sri Lanka, a point that I have been making ad nauseam in earlier articles.

However devolution, the sharing of power, is not the only internationally recognized way of solving ethnic problems. There is also the way of giving fair and equal treatment to the minorities. According to widespread popular perceptions the world is chock-a-block with ethnic rivalry and dissension, leading too often to conflict which in turn can lead to the setting up of separate states. It is an accurate enough perception in terms of one perspective, but if you change the perspective another picture emerges. There are in the world no more than four ethnically homogeneous states, meaning states in which the minorities are so minuscule that they can under no circumstances constitute any significant problem for the majorities. According to some criteria there are twelve such states. The rest of the globe pullulates with thousands of ethnic minorities, over four thousand of them if we go on the linguistic criterion. In terms of this perspective the surprising thing is not there are so many ethnic conflicts leading to separation, but that there are proportionately so few of them. What is the explanation? It is that in the comparatively few cases in which there are claims to a homeland the separatist drive is halted through devolution, while in the rest the minorities are given by and large – though there can be many cases where the fate of the minorities is ghastly – fair and equal treatment.

The fundamental reason why our major ethnic problem, the Tamil one, has proved to be an imbroglio over so many decades is that the Sinhalese power elite has been allergic to sharing power with the minorities, and therefore cannot bear the thought of devolution, and also because it has been allergic to giving fair and equal treatment to the minorities. The historical record shows that it was in fact this second factor that drove the Tamils to demand devolution and then separation. I will now give some material to illustrate what looks like a failure to give fair and equal treatment to Muslims in the field of cricket. This particular field has a very special importance because of the widely prevalent notion that at least in cricket we have a Sri Lankan nation, a field of activity in which all our ethnic groups have come together. This notion results largely from the fact that a Tamil, Muralitheran, has been given the status of a national icon. But one Tamil icon does not constitute a nation. Our failure to build a nation – as shown by anti-Muslim discrimination – is total.

The immediate provocation for this article are some observations made recently by Trevor Chesterfield about the strange case of Ferveez Mahroof who has not played cricket at the national level for about a year. But I will first go into earlier material suggesting anti-Muslim discrimination. There is not much of such material because the preferred games of the SL Muslims have been rugger and football, not cricket, producing in Ashy Cader a ruggerite who is regarded by many aficionados as Sri Lanka’s greatest. I am not aware of charges of anti-Muslim discrimination in rugger etc; only in cricket.

The first case I have in mind is that of M.A.Wahid who in the pre-Second World War days established himself as an outstanding spinner, and also a steady batsman. I am told that he was so outstanding as a schoolboy that Dr C.H.Gunasekera went to watch him bowl as part of the program to promote SL cricket. But even though his performance in club cricket was consistent, Wahid rarely made it to the national team. However he was chosen for a tour of India in the late ‘thirties or very early ‘forties. Five matches were played, in all of which the SL side fared poorly. Wahid was chosen only for the last match, in which he put up an excellent performance including a half-century as an opening batsman. I.H.Walbeoff, the solitary Burgher in the team, was not chosen for any of the five matches. The Muslim perception, I distinctly recall, was that throughout his cricketing career Wahid was often the victim of anti-Muslim discrimination.

In the subsequent period up to the time we got test status three Muslims made it to the national team without any undue difficulty, namely the two openers Makin Salih and A.C.M.Lafir, and the spin bowler Abu Fuad. There were no complaints about anti-Muslim discrimination during that period. After we got test status the situation changed abruptly with the strange treatment accorded to Uvais Karnain. He had what the newspapers called a "dream debut" with both bat and ball against New Zealand in a one-day match. He failed in the next match, and perhaps in another as well, and was quickly dropped from the national team, never I believe to be given his opportunity again. Was that axing due to anti-Muslim prejudice?

A possible answer is suggested by a newspaper letter written by Hamid Kareem. In the latter half of the ‘nineties a newspaper had some material on the charge that SL Muslims used to cheer the Pakistan side against the Sri Lankan one, a familiar charge around that time. In his letter Kareem stated that he was present on the occasion when Uvais Karnain failed with his bat, and his return to the pavilion was greeted with howls of racist execration – Thumbia! Marakkalaya! And so on. That could have been perhaps the most disgusting eruption of rank racism among cricket spectators anywhere in the world at any time. Yet, there was no public reaction reported in the newspapers. It may be that the exclusion of Karnain from the national team was not racially motivated. But the episode to which Kareem referred certainly attests to a maniacal anti-Muslim racism among some Sri Lankans.

My next exhibit is the contrasting treatment given to Marvan Attapattu and Navid Nawaz, both of whom had been identified as future batting stars while they were still youths. I recall Gamini Goonesena, who knew his cricket, writing of them in those terms. Attapattu began his national level cricketing career spectacularly with something like six ducks in a row. But the selectors persisted with him, quite rightly as it turned out because he established himself as a world class batsman and proceeded to captain the national team. Navid Nawaz, on the other hand, was tried out a few times at national level cricket, he failed, and was dropped for many long years. But as he was a consistently impressive performer in club cricket, he was again given his opportunity in the national team. He failed again, possibly because by then his nerve had been shattered. Was the contrasting treatment due to anti-Muslim prejudice? I don’t know, but most Muslims are convinced that it was so.

I will now refer to a rather amusing development. Dilshan, while still a fledgling in national level cricket and still uncertain of his tenure there, suddenly changed his first names from the Malay Tuan Mohammed to the Sinhalese Tillekeratne Mudaliyansage. He may have been taking on names from his presumably Sinhalese mother because – for entirely private reasons which had nothing to do with his cricketing career – he thought it fit to declare a partial Sinhalese identity. But my fellow Muslims were convinced that the intent behind the change was to secure his place in the national team. Some time later a Muslim who as a schoolboy had shown promise of becoming a national cricket star scored a dazzling century in Australia. An Australian reporter asked him whether he had hopes of playing for the SL national team. The reply of the young fellow was that to qualify he would first have to change his name. More recently another cricketer who has been hoping to qualify for the national team also changed his name to a Sinhalese one.

Many Muslims have been convinced that Ferveez Mahroof was subjected to discriminatory treatment during the last World Cup series. Another bowler, it was alleged, was suddenly and suspiciously being built up as a greatly improved bowler when that was not apparent at all, and was included in the World Cup Final in preference to Mahroof. It was even alleged, and came to be widely believed both by Muslims and non-Muslims, that a top politician had asked the SL captain, "Why do you want to include a Thumbia in the World Cup Final?" The story was put out in pamphlet form by a well-known Muslim politician, who like other politicians was not famous for veracity, and distributed to Muslims on a large scale after Jumma prayers. I myself believe that the story was apocryphal, an Opposition stunt typical of our utterly unprincipled politics. Unfortunately the preferred bowler fared badly and came in for much criticism, including by Sunil Gavaskar. It came to be held that we could have won the World Cup if not for the racially prejudiced exclusion of Mahroof.

I come now to my final exhibit, Mahroof again, who has been included in the provisional squad for the ICC World T 20 series. Trevor Chesterfield wrote in the Island of March 8 as follows:- "His omissions from the Test and ODI squads in the past year have had the selectors claiming injury. What an interesting excuse. As he has been playing all season in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, which makes anyone who follows the game closely whether selectors are doing the same, or whether certain coaches have a difficulty with the lanky Wayamba all-rounder, so apt are they in giving faux reasons by failing to explain the extent of the mysterious injuries." Every single Muslim to whom I have referred Chesterfield’s article has responded immediately with the remark that Mahroof has been the victim of racist discrimination. But I must emphasize that Chesterfield himself has not implied anything of the sort, and therefore he should not be drawn into any controversy arising from the present article.

I must make an important clarification before concluding this article. What looks like racist discrimination could well be susceptible to valid explanation on other grounds. We must remember that every society under the sun has injustices in it to varying degrees, and some fields of activity have more injustices than others. For some reason that I cannot fathom Sri Lanka cricket is a field in which some of our greatest virtuosos in injustice have flourished. Some of the victims were driven into premature retirement, causing incalculable loss to our cricket. I mention the following names more or less at random:- Anura Ranasinghe, Brendon Kuruppu (now and in the past), Roy Dias, Sidath Wettimuny, Asanka Gurusinghe, Attapattu, Chamara Silva, Graeme Labrooy, and so on. But at this point I must caution against excluding racism as a possible explanation for injustice in addition to everything else. Too often Sri Lankans who are not racist at all are prone to make that exclusion.

In this article I have focused on discrimination against Muslims only in cricket, a tiny segment of our national life which however has as I have pointed out much significance for nation-building. On the broader picture of anti-Muslim discrimination I can do no better than refer to veteran Muslim journalist Latheef Farook’s book Nobody’s People published in 2009, an outspokenly courageous and detailed exposition of his subject. As I cannot here go into details about it I will mention a few details from just one page, details of which the general public is mostly unaware:- non-Muslims in Negombo and elsewhere who were not affected by the tsunami were provided tsunami aid and also housing facilities while Muslim tsunami victims in and around Kalmunai were ignored; in August 2006 around 60,000 Muslims from Muttur were driven out totally empty handed because of the war, their plight being given only belated recognition; under various pretexts Muslim-owned lands in the East were arbitrarily acquired for colonization by Sinhalese brought in from the South.

What should be done? It seems obvious that the Government will go on vacillating and prevaricating over devolution with consequences that could be unpleasant, even dangerous, to Sri Lanka. It is a situation in which it becomes all the more important to show that the Government is willing to resort to the other method of dealing with ethnic problems: give what the international community can recognize as fair and equal treatment to the minorities. We have to work out what precisely has to be done by way of practical action. An evident lacuna to be filled is legislation to deal with the multifarious manifestations of racism – such as the yells of racist contempt and rage when Uvais Karnain failed at the crease. We need grass roots institutions such as Race Relations Boards which in many countries have proved to be very effective in scotching racism. Minister Moragoda’s initiative over an Equal Opportunities Bill is most welcome. When it was originally mooted by G.L.Peiris in 2000, it was aborted through sickeningly rank racist opposition. At that time I wrote several articles about it, and predicted that it would be resurrected. I hope now that Minister Moragoda will get going with it, and ensure that we have a Bill that is not emasculated into total impotence.

The Muslims and Sri Lanka

By Kamalika Pieris
The first wave of Muslims to arrive in Sri Lanka came from West Asia. Therefore let us briefly look at the Muslim achievements in West Asia. Islam originated in the Arab Peninsula, where the Prophet Mohammed preached in 622 AD. Islamic religious teachings are held in the Koran and the Islamic social life is guided by the Islamic Sharia Law. The Arabs, once converted to Islam, went on an expansionist spree which eventually swallowed up Egypt, Syria, Persia, Iraq and finally, in 711 AD, Spain. Virtually all those countries had their own civilisations prior to Islamisation. Persia had developed the Persian script and had the Zoroastrian religion. But they all converted to Islam and accepted the Arabic language. By the end of the 8th century, the Islamic empire extended from Persia to Spain and included parts of Northern Africa as well. There were two political centres. Firstly, Damascus (660-750 AD) and thereafter Baghdad (750-1258 AD).

Between the 8th and 12th centuries, there developed a great Islamic civilisation, intellectually brilliant, wealthy and enterprising. This Islamic civilisation developed an urban civilisation well before Europe, which got there several centuries later. Cairo in Egypt, Damascus in Syria and Baghdad in Iraq were very advanced cities with paved streets, tiled floors, public baths, bookshops, libraries, and universities. There developed a distinct Islamic art and architecture, which is visible even today. There were great scholars, best known of whom is Avicenna, of Persian origin, (980-1037 AD). His medical writings were used in medical schools in France, Spain and Italy as late as 1650.
Western Europe owes much of its knowledge of mathematics, medicine, astronomy and philosophy to Arabic writings. These writings preserved Greek thought as well. The Arabic writers also functioned as a conduct for the transmission of ideas from India and China. The Arabic scholars formulated the oldest known trignometric tables, introduced Indian numerals, known Arabic numerals, and compiled astronomical tables. They established obsrvatories to study the heavens. In the field of optics and physics, they explained phenomena such as refraction of light, and the principle of gravity. They made significant advances in chemistry. They discovered potash, alcohol, silver nitrate, nitric acid, sulphuric acid and mercury chloride. They originated processes such as distillation and sublimation.
Arabic scholars made significant advances in medicine. Many drugs now in use are of Arab origin. They established hospitals with a system of internees. Discovered causes of certain diseases and developed correct diagnoses of them, proposed new concepts of hygiene, made use of anesthetics in surgery with newly innovated surgical tools and introduced the science of dissection in anatomy. They furthered the scientific breeding of horses and cattle, and improved upon the science of navigation. They also developed a high degree of perfection in art of textiles, ceramics and metallurgy. (Most of this information has been taken from references in Encyclopedia Britannica, 15 ed. 1995).
Christian scholars were greatly impressed by Arabic scholarship. There was considerable cultural interaction between the two groups, with much of it taking place in the Mediterranean shoes, particularly Spain and Sicily. It is not generally known that Arabic culture influenced French culture as well. There are words of Arabic origin in the French language. More importantly, voluminous Latin translations were made in the 12th century, of major Arabic writings. These were studied successively at the major emerging intellectual centres of Europe, such as Italy, France and later England and Germany. It should also be noted that during this time, Arabic had become, not only a religious language, but also the main international language of the region. (lingua franca). It was also the main language for scholarship.
The Arabs also expanded eastwards, towards India and China, in search of trade. In the 9th and 10th centuries, an assortment of Persians, Arabs, Abyssinians, all Muslims, speaking Arabic and therefore conveniently called 'Arabs' dominated the overseas trade from Baghdad to China. The Muslims of Sri Lanka were a part of this trade operation. There is evidence that there were Muslim merchant settlements in Sri Lanka as early as the 7th century. M. A. M. Shukri has used the Arabic (Kufi) inscriptions in Sri Lanka to throw light on the origins of Sri Lanka's Muslims. He says that the Sri Lanka Moors originally came from Aleppo, a city in Syria. ('Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea' p181). Apparently there is an Arabic document in the possession of one of the oldest Moor families in Beruwela. It said that in 604 AD two sons of the Royal family of Yemen came to Lanka, one settled in Mannar the other in Beruwela (Daily News 25.9. 98. p 16).
Muslim settlements started in Mantai, and thereafter spread systematically in the trading ports. Archaeological evidence, such as tomb stones, indicate that there were Muslim settlements in 10th century, in Anuradhapura, Trincomalee and Colombo. Thereafter, there were Muslim settlements in the port towns along the southwestern seaboard, such as Beruwela and Galle.
Lorna Dewaraja, in her book "The Muslims of Sri Lanka, 1000 years of ethnic harmony 900-1915 AD" (Lanka Islamic Foundation, 1994) has studied the situation of the Muslims in Sri Lanka, with particular reference to the Kandyan Period. She makes several important points.
Firstly, she makes a comparison between the way Muslim settlers were treated in Sri Lanka and the way they were treated in Burma, China and Thailand. In Burma, Thailand and China, Muslim traders established trading posts which eventually became permanent settlements. Every Burmese Muslim had two names, one, Burmese and the other Arabic. For all practical purposes, only the Burmese name was used. Further the Burmese king forbade the slaughter of goats and fowl and forced the Muslims to listen to Buddhist sermons. In China too, the Muslims had two names. They used the Chinese name and spoke Chinese and used their Arabic names only with fellow Muslims. In Thailand too, the Muslims were obliged to camouflage their Muslim identity from hostile eyes. (Dewaraja. p 6, 13, 15). In Sri Lanka, the Muslims had no such problems. As we all know, the Muslims use their Arabic or Persian names very openly and proudly. Even today, the Muslims in Kandyan areas have 2 names, a traditional Sinhala family name denoting the person's ancestry and profession and an Arabic name. For all practical purposes, only the Arabic name is known and used. The Sinhala name is used only in legal documents and is useful in proving long residence in the island and ownership of land. (Dewaraja. p 12-13).
In the latter half of the 13th century, with the decline of the Caliphate of Baghdad, Arab commercial activity in the Indian Ocean decreased. This trade was taken over by the Indian Muslims of Gujerat and other Indian centres. Hindu merchants did not travel. They were based in India. They exported their marchandise in Muslim owned vessels. Thus colonies of Islamised Indians came up in the ports in India's south western (Malabar) and south eastern (Coromandel) coasts right up to Bengal. Thus thriving centres of Muslim commercial activity studded the Indian coastline. Subsequently, colonies of such Indo-Arabs emerged along the coasts of Sri Lanka. These settlements were described by the Dutch and British as 'Coast Moors'. (Dewaraja p 41, 43).
The second wave of Muslims came to Sri Lanka from South India. They were the descendants of earlier Arab traders who had settled in South Indian ports and married local women. Thus Tamil and Malayalam came to be written in Arabic script, and was known as Arabic Tamil. The Koran was translated into Arabic Tamil. It was translated into Sinhala only recently. Since it was compulsory for Muslim children to read the Koran, they had to know Arabic Tamil. This partly explains why Muslims who have lived for centuries in wholly Sinhala speaking areas retained Arabic Tamil as their 'mother tongue'. Generations of Sri Lankan Tamils went to theological institutions in Vellore to study Islamic learning. It has also been suggested that Muslims speak Tamil because Tamil was widely used in maritime commerce in the Indian Ocean (Dewaraja p 17).
Lorna Dewaraja points out that during the time of the Sinhala kings, from the ancient period, right upto the Kandyan Period, there was racial amity between the Sinhalese and the Muslims. The reason was that the Muslim traders were economically and politically an asset to the Sri Lankan king. The King therefore provided protection and permission for the traders to settle in Sri Lanka (Dewaraja p 4).
"Right through from the Anuradhapura period to Kandyan times there was a Muslim lobby operating in the Sri Lankan court. It advised the king on overseas trade policy. They also kept the king informed of developments abroad. The Muslim trader with his navigational skills and overseas contacts became the secret channel of communication between the court and the outside world" (Dewaraja p 8). The Sri Lankan kings encouraged the Muslims to maintain their links with the Islamic world as this was mutually beneficial. In the 13th century, Al Haj Aby Uthman was sent by the Sri Lankan king, Bhuvanekabahu I to the Mamluk Court of Egypt to negotiate direct trade. They were sent on important and confidential missions to South India right up to Kandyan times. The Muslims of Sri Lanka spoke Tamil and other South Indian languages and some even spoke Portuguese (p 8, 16).
Dewaraja says that when the Portuguese first appeared off the shores of Sri Lanka, the Muslims warned the king, sangha, nobles and the people of the potential threat to the country's soveriegnty. When the Portuguese tried to gain a foothold in Colombo, the Muslims provided firearms, fought side by side with the Sinhalese and even used their influence with South Indian powers to get military asistance to Sinhalese rulers. Through the intervention of the Muslims, the Zamorin of Calicut sent three distinguished Moors of Cochin with forces to help Mayadunne (p 50).
When the Dutch appeared and persecuted the Muslims in their coastal settlements, the Muslims ran to the Kandyan Kingdom. Senerat (1604-1635) and Rajasimha II (1635-1687) settled these Muslims in the Eastern coast. Senerat settled large numbers of Tamils and Muslims in Dighavapi area of Batticaloa to revive the paddy cultivation. There were roads leading from Kandy to Batticaloa passing through Minipe and Vellassa (p 127).
Dewaraja points out that it is clear from the writings of Pybus that even in 1762 the authority of the King of Kandy was strongly felt in areas around Trincomalee even among his Muslim and Tamil subjects. It is necessary for us to bear in mind that the Kandyan Kings saw themselves as kings of the whole country. Through Kottiyar in Trincomalee, Batticaloa, Kalpitiya and Puttalam they traded with India, and the Muslims and Chetties acted as the middlemen. From Kottiyar (Trincomalee) to Kandy there was a land route following the Mahaweli. Muslims had pack oxen and caravans and travelled this rout. The resting places on this route became the nucleus of later Muslim settlements (Dewaraja p 91, 125, 126).
Muslims were made welcome in the Kandyan Kingdom. They were integrated into Kandyan society primarily by giving them duties which related to the King's administration. They were made a part of the Madige Badda or Transport Department. They were allowed to trade in arecanut, which was a royal monopoly. The Muslims from Uva, which was near the salterns, had to bring salt as part of their obligatory service (Dewaraja p 100-101). In addition to this, select Muslims were involved in the Maligawa rituals and were given Maligagam lands. Their duties included salt, hevisi, silversmith (acari) also the higher function of kariya karavanarala. Therefore the Muslims were involved however minimally in the administrative and ritual aspects of the Dalada Maligawa as well (Dewaraja. p 107-8, 110). In addition, Muslims also functioned as weavers, tailors, barbers, and lapidarists (p 137-138).
Muslims also functioned as physicians, and presumably they practised Unani medicine. Dewaraja states that at this time, Unani had been practised in its pure form in towns like Colombo, Galle and Beruwela (p 128). A Muslim physician named Sulaiman Kuttiya who was practising in Galle was invited to the Kandyan court, taken into royal service and given land near Gampola. His descendants who lived till 1874 carried the prefix "Galle Vedaralala" (p 91). The most renowned of these Muslim physicians were the Gopala Moors of Gataberiya in the Kegalle District. The family traces its pedigree to a physician from Islamic Spain, whose descendants migrated to the Sind in Northern India, from where they were ordered to come to Sri Lanka to attend on King Parakramabahu II of Dambadeniya (1236-1270) (p 128). The Gopala descendants continued to function as physicians to the king, during reigns of Rajadirajasinghe (1782-1798) and Srivickrama Rajasinghe. (1798-1815). The Dutch also appointed two Muslims as local physicians in their hospitals, and one of them, Mira Lebbe Mestriar was thereafter appointed as Native Superintendent of the Medical Department in 1806 by the British (p 133).
Another important function of he Muslims in the Kandyan Court, was that they acted as envoys to the King. One Muslim envoy had been sent to the Nawab of Carnatic. Another had been sent to Pondicherry soliciting French assistance against the Dutch, in 1765. The King also made use of his Muslim subjects to keep abreast of developments outside his kingdom. The Muslims were useful in this respect because of their trade links and knowledge of languages (p 135-136).
The Muslims were received favourably in the Kandyan Kingdom, as far as can be seen. Robert Knox says that charitable Sinhala people giftd land to Muslims to live (Dewaraja p 115). Muslims adopted the outward appearance and dress and manners of the Sinhalese. Even James Cordiner couldnot see the difference (p 120). In Galagedara there are yet two villages occupied only by Muslims, surrounded by Sinhala villages. These two villages had Masjids (p 104). Masjids were built on lands donated by the king. Present Katupalliya and Meera Makkam Masjid in Kandy were built on land gifted by the king. The architcture of the Katupalliya is Kandyan. (p114-115). Ridi Vihare in Kurunegala gave part of its land for a Masjid and allocated a portion of land for the maintenance of a Muslim priest (p 113).
In 1930, in Rambukkana many Muslim boys had received their education in Buddhist monasteries. Many of them studied Sinhala and idigenous medicine. Facilities were provided for the Muslim boys to say their prayers and attend Koranic classes, while living in the temple. In this remote village in Rambukkana, Muslims made voluntary contributions towards the vihara and they participated in the Esala Perahera. The drumers voluntarily stopped the music when they passed Masjid (Dewaraja p 113).

Between Hammer and Anvil: Sri Lanka's Muslims

Adam's peak, a symmetrically conical mountain set in the gorgeous hill country of southern Sri Lanka, is sacred to all of the island's main faiths. There is a strange indentation set in the living rock of the summit. To the majority Sinhalese Buddhists (69% of the total population) it is the footprint of the Buddha Gautama. The Tamil Hindus (21%) know better - it is, of course, the sacred footprint of the God Shiva. Then again, the island's Muslims (7%) insist, it is the footprint left by Adam when, cast out of the Garden of Eden by a wrathful God, he fell to earth in the place nearest to that celestial grove in terms of beauty, fertility and climate - Sri Lanka.
In happier times Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim - together with the island's Catholic Christians, who believe the footprint to be that of St Thomas - were content to disagree amicably, sharing the pilgrimage season between December and April each year, when every night thousands of people climb the seemingly endless stairs to the 2,224 metre summit and await the sunrise.
As the whole world knows, those days of inter-racial and inter-denominational harmony are long gone - though not at Adam's Peak, secure in the government-dominated Sinhala heartland. Rather the troubles are at the other end of the island, where for twenty years, ever since the simmering hostility between Buddhist Sinhalese and Tamil Hindu exploded into open warfare, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have pursued their struggle for a separate Tamil state.
As the third, and smallest, of the island's racial-religious communities, the Sri Lankan Muslims - generally if confusingly known as "Moors" - have become the forgotten losers in this vicious struggle. The Tamils, evidently misclassified by the British during their long hegemony in South Asia as a "non-martial race", have fought with an extraordinary fanaticism under the cold command of the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakharan. From the earliest days of the war they did not hesitate to employ "ethnic cleansing" - that late 20th century euphemism for genocide - against Sinhalese villagers living in the north. Subsequently, and with the same ruthlessness, the same tactic has been used against Muslims.
To understand why this should be so, it is necessary to examine the anomalous situation of the Sri Lankan Moors - Tamil speakers who yet, for the most part, support the Sinhalese-dominated government of Chandrika Kumaratunga.
There have been Muslims in Sri Lanka for well over a thousand years. Trading dhows plied the waters between the Middle East and the island known to Arab sailors - like the legendary Sinbad - as Serendib even in pre-Islamic times. The first Muslim merchants and sailors may have landed on its shores during the Prophrt Muhammad's life time. By the 10th century this predominantly Arab community had grown influential enough to control the trade of the south-western ports, whilst the Sinhalese kings generally employed Muslim ministers to direct the state's commercial affairs. In 1157 the king of the neighbouring Maldive Islands was converted to Islam, and in 1238 an embassy to Egypt sent by King Bhuvaneka Bahu I was headed by Sri Lankan Muslims.
From about 1350 onwards the predominantly Arab strain in Sri Lankan Islam began to change as Tamil Muslims from neighbouring South India moved to the island in increasing numbers. By the late 15th century, when Portuguese vessels first arrived in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka's Muslims were truly indigenous to the island, representing a mixture of Sinhalese, Arab and Tamil blood, and speaking Tamil with Arabic overtones, sometimes known as "Tamil-Arabic". None of this made any difference to the newly-arrived Portuguese, for whom all Muslims were "Moors" - the name given to their traditional enemies in Morocco and southern Spain. The name Moro - employed as a derogatory designation by the Portuguese - stuck, and is today "worn with pride" by Sri Lankan Muslims, in much the same way as the "Moros" of the southern Philippines.
In Sri Lanka, as everywhere they went, the Portuguese made a special point of persecuting the Muslims. As a consequence, many fled the western littoral which had passed under Portuguese control, and settled in the north and east of the island where their descendants live to the present day. A hundred years later, in 1656, when the Dutch replaced the Portuguese, a third (and final) element was added to the island's Muslim population - the Malay. Malay sailors had been visiting Sri Lanka for centuries using long-distance outrigger canoes; now, with the arrival of the Dutch, many more were brought from Java to serve their Dutch colonial rulers in Sri Lanka. In time they were absorbed into the island's ethnically diverse Muslim community, though even today many Sri Lankan Muslims identifying themselves as "Malays" rather than "Moors" can be found living in Western Province, and especially in Colombo.
Today Sri Lanka's Muslims live scattered throughout the island, from Galle in the south to the Tamil-dominated Jaffna peninsula in the north. Generally they are involved in commerce, from running local dry goods stores to dominating the wealthy gem business associated with Ratnapura - "Jewel City" and much of the capital's import-export business. In the disputed north and east of the country, where the LTTE are currently battling the Sri Lankan armed forces, many Muslims are farmers or fishermen, living in small villages far from the protection of government forces. It is these people - the poorest of the island's "Moors", descendants of the orginal refugees displaced by the Portuguese four hundred years ago - that are now caught up in the struggle for "Tamil Eelam".
Most Moors speak Tamil as their first language, regarding Sinhalese and English as languages of commerce to be used in their business dealings. Despite this linguistic affinity they do not consider themselves Tamil, however, and have precious little sympathy for the Tamil Tigers' cause. Rather they tend to support the government, albeit passively, wishing simply to pursue their business interests with the full freedom of religion they have long been accustomed too. Unfortunately, this is no longer possible. In those areas contested by the LTTE with a substantial Muslim population - for example, Northern Province's Vavuniya District, and Eastern Province's Tricomalee and Batticaloa Districts - they are under serious pressure.
Initially, it seems, the Tamil separatists hoped to enlist the Tamil-speaking Moors in their struggle for an independent Tamil state encompassing all of Northern and Eastern Provinces. When the Moors remained aloof - and even indicated support for the government position - they became identified as enemies. Worse than that, as Tamil-speakers there seemed, to Tiger minds at least, an element of treason in their lack of support. Subsequently, as the LTTE struggle for secession developed into open warfare with the government in Colombo, Prabhakharan, showing characteristic ruthlessness, targeted the Moors for "ethnic cleansing" - that is, physical expulsion or elimination - from the lands sought by the Tigers as a Tamil homeland.
The Tigers first began to attack the Moors on a systematic basis over a decade ago. In August, 1990, in two separate incidents, more than 230 Muslims were massacred at prayer at towns near Pulmoddai, in the north-east of the island. At the same time Prabhakharan gave notice that the entire Muslim population of Northern Province, including the then rebel-held capital of Jaffna, should leave contested areas forthwith or face being killed. An estimated one hundred thousand people were affected by this threat, many of who have since fled to government-controlled areas in the centre and south of the island. Tens of thousands were made destitute, the majority of whom still eke out a living in refugee camps. Following this incident, Muslim fishermen became a favourite target of LTTE maritime patrols, and Muslim businessmen a preferred target for abduction and ransom.
Muslim leaders in the north and east have responded by voicing their own claims for autonomy in the region, making it clear that - should the LTTE reach an agreement with Colombo on autonomous status - they would seek to opt out from Tamil control. Prabhakharan's response has been as vigorous and ruthless as ever. If the Muslims won't accept Tamil rule, they must be expelled from Northern Province and Eastern Province en masse.
Caught in the intricate and seemingly endless web of violence between Tamil Hindu and Sinhalese Buddhist, Sri Lanka's Muslims are increasingly desperate, unsure which way to turn, and whom to trust. Forgotten victims of a particularly vicious war, they are trapped between hammer and anvil, a long way indeed from the Garden of Eden.
A brief history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka, known to the ancients as Ceylon, has been recorded in history books as a country that has had many visitations from foreign travellers throughout the ages. The people are mainly Buddhist, with a complex mixture of Hindus, Muslims, Roman Catholics and other Christian denominations. The main race are the Sinhalese while the Tamils, Muslims and Burghers (Anglo-Sri Lankans) form the remaining. The Muslims of Sri Lanka are a very small minority amounting to approximately 10% of a total population of 16 Million people. They claim descendancy from the Arab traders, who made Sri Lanka their home even before the advent of Islam. The Tamils comprise around 25% of the population.
Sri Lankan Muslims can be categorized into two distinct sub groups, the Moors and the Malays. The former is the name given to them by the Portuguese colonial rulers who used the word Moros to identify Arabs in general. The Malays are a group of Muslims who originated from Java and the Malaysian Peninsula. They differed from the Moors, both, in their physical appearance as well as in the language they spoke which was a mixture of Malay and local dialects.
The Muslims of Sri Lanka have a colorful history behind them punctuated by a long spell of hardship suffered during the Portuguese and Dutch ocupation of the Island. It is much to their credit that they withstood the onslaught of economic constraints, political intrigues and religious persecution to stay behind and survive. Most other peoples may have packed their bags and left for good. They not only saved their religion from the Christian enemies but also rebuilt the economy, slowly and steadily, by the 18th century when the British took over control of the island from the Dutch.
Being geographically isolated from the main centers of Islamic culture and civilization the Muslims of Sri Lanka were forced to interact closely with their neighbours, the Muslims of South India, in order to preserve their identity. Had they been denied this slender link, it is possible that, they may have lost their distinct Islamic character completely. However, it must be observed that this link has also caused many Indian (Hindu) traditions and rituals to creep into their culture and life style, some of which, even though vehemently anti-Islamic, are still practised to date. Lack of a correct understanding of the teachings of Islam has been the main cause of this sad situation.
Having adapted to the local conditions in various ways and also contributing largely to the Islands economic prosperity, the Muslim community of Sri Lanka, unlike the Hindu Tamils of the Northern Province, has saved itself from any major clash with the indigenous Sinhalese population. They have also been able to receive a fair share in the countrs Politics and Administration by virtue of their hard work and also of being an important minority whose support has been vital to all the political groups in the country. Although it may be said that the Muslim community was not politically dominant at any stage, yet, it is certainly true that they manouvered their political activity without much noise, unlike the Tamils.
This work attempts to present a brief history of the Muslims of Sri lanka from their early Arab trader beginnings to the present day minority community that is fully integrated into the Sri
Lankan society.

Historical Background
Sri Lanka (previously known as Ceylon) lies of the south-east of the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The pear shaped island, often referred to as the pearl of the east is separated from mainland India by a narrow strip of water called the Palk Straits.
Being in such close proximity to and having such easy access from India, it might be expected that Sri Lanka received a large number of migrants from its neighbour from pre-historic times. The original inhabitants of the island are believd to be an aboriginal tribe called the Veddahs. The Sinhalese, presently the majority community, are supposed to be the descendants of the colonists, led by Vijaya, from the valley of the Ganges who settled in the island around the 6th century B.C. Sinhala, the language of the Sinhalese, is an Aryan language, closely related to Pali. Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka during the reign of King Devanampiya Tissa during the period 307-267 B.C.

Trade relations between India and Sri Lanka are traced to the 3rd century B.C. Historians have not been able to pin-point the actual date of establishment of Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka. However, during the 3rd century B.C. a Tamil General, Elara, set up a Tamil Kingdom at Anuradhapura, in the North Central Province, and ruled there for 44 years. He earned a reputation for his just and impartial administration among the Sinhalese and Tamils and was thus called Elara the Just.
The strategic location of the island, in the Indian Ocean, together with some of the coveted goods it produced, resulted in a fair degree of foreign trade even from ancient times. The Romans discovered the commercial value of Sri Lanka in the first century A.D. and the island was visited by Greeks, Romans, Persians, Arabs, and Chinese traders. Sri Lankas trade offering included Cinnamon, which grew wild in the forests of the wet zone, precious stones, pearls, elephants and ivory.
While most of the traders were only visitors to the island, who made their fortunes and left, it was the Arabs who settled down, making Ceylon their home. Furthermore as the Muslims of Sri lanka claim their desecndancy from the Arabs it is imprtant to look at the information available on the advent of the Arabs to the island.

The Arabs:
The Tamils of Sri Lanka, throughout history, have attempted to categorize the Sri Lankan Muslims as belonging to the Tamil race. This has been mainly for selfish reasons in a bid to eliminate the minority Muslim community from having its own unique identity. The Government of Sri Lanka, however, treats the Muslims as of Arab origin and as a distinct ethnic group from the Tamils.

Fr. S.G. Perera in his book -History of Ceylon for Schools- Vol. 1. The Portuguese and Dutch Periods, (1505-1796), Colombo (1955), The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd., p 16, writes,
-The first mention of Arabs in Ceylon appears to be in the Mahavansa (Ancient Sri Lankan history) account of the reign of the King Pandukabhaya, where it is stated that this king set apart land for the Yonas (Muslims) at Anuradhapura-
With the decline of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century A.D., Roman trade also died out and the Arabs and Persians filled up the vacuum; engaging in a rapidly growing inter-coastal trade. After the conquest of Persia (Iran), Syria and Egypt, the Arabs controlled all the important ports and trading stations between East and West. It is estimated that the Arabs had settled in Sri Lanka and Sumatra by the 1st century A.D. K.M. De Silvas, Historical Survey, Sri Lanka - A Survey, London (1977), C. Hurst & Co. Ltd., p 50, states,
-by about the 8th century A.D., the Arabs had formed colonies at the important ports of India, Ceylon and the East Indies. The presence of the Arabs at the ports of Ceylon is attested to by at least three inscriptions discovered at Colombo, Trincomalee and the island of Puliantivu-
The manner in which Islam developed in Sri lanka is very closely similar to that on the Malabar coast of India. Tradition has recorded that Arabs who had settled down on the Malabar coast used to travel from the port of Cranganore to Sri lanka on piligrimage to pay homage to what they believed to be the foot-print of Adam on the top of a montain, which, until today, is called Adams Peak.
Ibn Batuta, the famous 14th. century Arab traveller, has recorded many facets about early Arab influence in Sri lanka in his travelogues.
Before the end of the 7th. century, a colony of Muslim merchants had established themselves in Ceylon. Fascinated by the scenic splendour and captivated by the traditions associated with Adams Peak, Muslim merchants arrived in large numbers and some of them decided to settle in the island encouraged by the cordial treatement they received by the local rulers. Most of them lived along the coastal areas in peace and prosperity, maintaining contacts, both cultural and commercial, with Baghdad and other Islamic cities.
According to Tikiri Abeyasinghe in his Portuguese Rule in Ceylon, 1594-1612, Colombo (1966), Lake House Investments Ltd., p 192, tradition has it that,
-the first Mohammadans of Ceylon were a portion of those Arabs of the House of Hashim, who were driven from Arabia in the early part of the 8th. century by the tyranny of the Caliph, Abdel Malik bin Marwan, and who proceeding from the Euphrates southwards made settlements in the concan in the southern parts of the peninsula of India, on the island of Ceylon and Malacca. The division of them which came to Ceylon formed eight considerable settlements along the Nort-East, North and Western coast of that island; viz., one at Trincomalee, one at Jaffna, one at Colombo, one at barbareen, and one at Point de Galle.-
It is perhaps reasonable, therefore, to assume that the Arabs, professing the religion of Islam, arrived in Sri Lanka around the 7th./8th. century A.D. even though there was a settled community of Arabs in Ceylon in pre-Islamic times.
The circumstances that helped the growth of Muslim settlements were varied. The Sinhalese were not interested in trade and were content in tilling the soil and growing cattle. Trade was thus wide open to the Muslims. the Sinhalese Kings considered the Muslim settlements favorably on account of the revenue that they brought them through their contacts overseas both in trade and in politics. The religious tolerance of the local population was also another vital factor in the development of Muslim settlements in Ceylon.
The early Muslim settlements were set up, mainly, around ports on account of the nature of their trade. It is also assumed that many of the Arab traders may not have brought their womenfolk along with them when they settled in Ceylon. Hence they would have been compelled to marry the Sinhalese and Tamil women of the island after converting them to Islam. The fact that a large number of Muslims in Sri Lanka speak the Tamil language can be attributed to the possibility that they were trading partners with the Tamils of South India and had to learn Tamil to successfully transact their business. The integration with the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, in South India, may have also contributed to this. It is also possible that the Arabs who had already migrated to Ceylon, prior to Islam, had adopted the Tamil language as a medium of communication in their intercourse with the Tamil speaking Muslims of South India. The Muslims were very skilful traders who gradually builtup a very lucrative trading post in Ceylon. A whole colony of Muslims is said to have landed at Beruwela (South Western coast) in the Kalutara District in 1024 A.D.
The Muslims did not indulge in propagating Islam amongst the natives of ceylon even though many of the women they married did convert. Islam did attract the less privileged low caste members of the Tamil community who found the factor of equality a blessing for their status and well-being.
There is also a report in the history of Sri Lanka of a Muslim Ruler, Vathimi Raja, who reigned at Kurunegala (North Central Province) in the 14th. century. This factor cannot be found in history books due to their omission, for reasons unknown, by modern authors. Vathimi Raja was the son of King Bhuvaneka Bahu I, by a Muslim spouse, the daughter of one of the chiefs. The Sinhalese son of King Bhuvaneka Bahu I, Parakrama Bahu III, the real heir to the throne was crowned at Dambadeniya under the name of Pandita Parakrama Bahu III. In order to be rid of his step brother, Vathimi Raja, he ordered that his eyes be gouged out. It is held that the author of the Mahavansa (ancient history of Ceylon) had suppressed the recording of this disgraceful incident. the British transaletor, Mudaliyar Wijesinghe states that original Ola (leaf script) was bodily removed from the writings and fiction inserted instead. The blinded Vathimi Raja (Bhuvaneka Bahu II or Al-Konar, abbreviated from Al-Langar-Konar, meaning Chief of Lanka of Alakeshwara) was seen by the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta during his visit to the island in 1344. His son named Parakrama Bahu II (Alakeshwara II) was also a Muslim. The lineage of Alakeshwara kings (of Muslim origin) ended in 1410. Although all the kings during this reign may not have been Muslims, the absence of the prefix -Shri Sangha Bodhi- (pertaining to the disciples of the Buddha) to the name of these kings on the rock inscriptions during this hundred year period may be considered as an indicator that they were not Buddhists. Further during Ibn Batutas visit a Muslim ruler called Jalasthi is reported to have been holding Colombo, maintaining his hold over the town with a garrison of about 500 Abyssinians.
In spite of this the Mulsims have always been maintaining very cordial relationships with the Sinhalese Royalty and the local population. There is evidence that they were more closer to the Sinhalese than they were to the Tamils. The Muslims relationship with the Sinhalese kings grew stronger and in the 14th. century they even fought with them against the expanding Tamil kingdom and its maritime influence.
By the beginning of the 16th. century, the Muslims of Sri Lanka, the descendants of the original Arab traders, had settled down comfortably in the island. They were evry successful in trade and commerce and integrated socially with the customs of the local people. They had become an inseparable, and even more, an indispensable part of the society. This period was one of ascendancy in peace and prosperity for the Sri Lankan Muslims.
The Malays:
Sri Lankan Muslims include the Malays although they form a separate group by themselves. Even the earliest census of Sri Lanka (1881) lists the Muslims as Moors and Malays separately. Malays too, follow the Islamic religion just like the Moors.
The real beginning of the Malays in Sri Lanka dates back to the 13th. century. Husseinmiya writes,

-The definite arrival of Malays in Sri Lanka took place in the 13th. century. Chandra Bhanu, the Malay King of Nakhon Sri Dhammarat in the Isthmus of Kra on the Malay Peninsula invaded Sri Lanka in A.D. 1247, with Malay soldiers. He was determined to possess the relics of the Buddha from the Sinhalese kingdom. In a second invasion he brought soldiers from India-.
Chandra Bhanus 50 year rule of northern Ceylon in the 13th. century is remembered by such place names as Java Patnam (Jaffna), Java Kachcheri (Chavakachcheri), Hambantota etc. Most authors have, yet, linked the origin of the Malays in Ceylon to the period when the uisland was ruled by the Dutch. Murad Jayah in -The plight of the Ceylon Malays today-, MICH Silver Jubilee Souvenir, 1944-1969, Colombo (1970), p 70, writes,
-In 1709 Susana Mangkurat Mas, king of Java, was exiled to Sri Lanka by the Dutch with his entire retinue. He was followed in 1723 by 44 Javanese princes and noble men who surrendered at the battle of Batavia and exiled to this country with their families. These familes formed the nucleus from which the Malay community grew.-
-The Dutch continued to bring more -Java Minissu- (Malay people) as exiles, and employed them to fill the ranks of the army, the police force, the fire brigade, the prison staff and other services. They formed the bulk of the servicemen during the Dutch occupation and the early British times. The British too imported Malay families for settlement in Ceylon with the idea of raising a regiment. The Kings colors were awarded in 1801 to the Ceylon Malay Regiment, the first Asian to receive that Honor.-
The unsuccessful attempts of the British to attract more Malays from overseas, the meagre salaries paid to the malay soldiers coupled with more avenues for lucrative employment in the plantation industry, resulted in the disbandment of the malay Regiment in 1873. The Malays released from the army were absorbed into the police and the fire brigade services.
The mother tongue of Malays is Malay (Bahasa Melayu). Murad Jayah writes,
-Bahasa Melayu has been preserved in this country for over 250 years due to the fact that the original exiles from Indonesia were accompanied by their womenfolk and it was not necessary for them to find wives among Sinhalese and Tamil women, unlike the Arab ancestors of the Ceylon Moors.-